Support was estimated at 13.5% among white men aged 18 to 29 and was linked to hardship, political conservatism and online friendships.
Researchers introduced a survey measure that explains the core ideas of the white nationalist movement before asking respondents whether they support it. Using three national surveys conducted from 2021 to 2025, they estimated support at 4.9% among white adults and 13.5% among white men aged 18 to 29 in a national probability sample.
Support was higher among white respondents reporting personal hardship and distress in their local communities. It was also more common among people with lower incomes or education, Republicans and conservatives, politically disaffected people, and those whose close friendships were primarily online. The researchers found no link with local racial composition or recent demographic change, and reported that many people who endorsed the movement's core ideas did not recognize its label.
Who expressed support
Across three national surveys of non-Hispanic white adults, support for white nationalism was estimated at 4.9% of white adults and 13.5% of white men aged 18 to 29. Support was higher among people experiencing personal hardship and local social distress, consistent with strain theories.
It was also more common among white people with lower incomes and education, Republicans and conservatives, and those who were politically disaffected. White people with close friendships primarily online were more likely to express support. Support was unrelated to the racial makeup of respondents' local areas or to recent demographic change, which complicates explanations based on perceived demographic status threat. The researchers say support appears to be a distinct dimension of white racial attitudes, and that many people who endorse the movement's core ideas are unaware of the label.
Why the estimate matters
The study provides an estimate of explicit support for white nationalism rather than inferring support from indirect measures of racial attitudes. Its findings point to hardship, political identity and online social connections as characteristics associated with expressed support, while not supporting a link with local racial composition or recent demographic change.
The results also distinguish support for the movement from membership in it. Because the study did not measure organizational affiliation, the estimates describe people who say they support the movement after being told its core tenets, not the number of people involved in white nationalist organizations.
Evidence and limits
The findings come from three national surveys of non-Hispanic white adults conducted between 2021 and 2025, including a national probability sample. The researchers introduced and validated a measure that describes white nationalism's core tenets and then asks respondents whether they support the movement.
The abstract reports associations, so the study does not establish that hardship, online friendships, political views or other characteristics cause support. It measures expressed support, not organizational affiliation, and the reported prevalence applies to the surveyed white adult population rather than to all US adults. The abstract does not provide further details about the surveys' sample sizes or response rates.
