Referential Indeterminacy and De Re Thoughts

Abstract

ABSTRACT Referential indeterminacy may seem to leave little room for de re or singular thoughts about ordinary objects. I argue that this impression is misleading. We can direct our thoughts at particular objects, even though there is no fact of the matter as to which objects are referred to by the singular terms purporting to stand for them. By distinguishing between weak and strong de re attitudes, I show that speakers can retain a weak form of de re belief despite the absence of determinate reference. I extend the same distinction to knowledge of reference, thereby explaining how linguistic understanding survives the indeterminacy of reference. I also briefly explore some broader implications of this picture for the theory of reference and for the status of genuine singular terms.